The Implementation of GESARA NESARA: Utopia Realized
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Today we will examine GESARA NESARA as the implementation of real utopias to be inscribed in an emancipatory social science. In order to achieve this intellectual mission, an emancipatory social science must face three fundamental tasks:
1) to develop a systematic assessment and critique of the world as it exists;
2) to envision viable alternatives;
3) to understand the obstacles, possibilities, and dilemmas of any transformative project.
The urgency of these three tasks may vary in different times and places, but all are necessary to develop a comprehensive emancipatory theory.
An emancipatory social science rests on two primary pillars. First, social justice, then, political justice. The conception of social justice that animates the critique of capitalism and the search for alternatives revolves around three ideas: human flourishing, necessary social and material means, and more or less equal access to these means.
The main criticisms of neoliberal capitalism as a total economic system can be formulated in eleven variations:
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Capitalist class relations perpetuate eliminable forms of human suffering.
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Capitalism obstructs the universalization of conditions for the expansion of human flourishing.
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In the area of human freedoms and sacred values of autonomy, capitalism has aporias.
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Capitalism contravenes egalitarian and liberal principles of social justice.
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Capitalism is inefficient in many ways.
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Capitalism is structurally and irrefutably based on consumerism.
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Capitalism contributes to undermining the environment.
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Capitalist commodification threatens important values that are widely shared.
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In a global context of nation-states, capitalism encourages militaristic and imperialist excesses.
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Capitalism tends to corrupt community ties.
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Capitalism hinders the democratization process of contemporary societies, especially developing ones.
Capitalism is obviously not the univocal matrix of all the ills present in the contemporary world. There are other clusters of factors at play that fuel racism, ethno-nationalism, male domination, genocide, war, and other significant forms of oppression. However, even if capitalism is not the cause of these forms of oppression, it may still be indirectly involved, in that it makes these problems even more difficult to overcome. Let us see the different thesis proposed by Marx regarding the future of capitalism.
1. The thesis of the long-term non-sustainability of capitalism.
In the long run, capitalism is an unsustainable economic system. Its internal dynamics (“mechanical laws”) systematically undermine the conditions of its own reproducibility, making capitalism increasingly vulnerable and, eventually, unsustainable.
2. The thesis of the intensification of the anticapitalist class struggle.
The dynamics of capitalist development systematically tend to (a) increase the proportion of the population – the working class – whose interests are consistently harmed by capitalism and, simultaneously, (b) increase the collective capacity of the working class to challenge capitalism. The result is an intensification of the class struggle directed against capitalism.
3. The thesis of revolutionary transformation.
To the extent that capitalism as an economic system becomes more and more precarious (thesis 1) and the main class deployed against capitalism becomes more and more imposing and capable of challenging it (thesis 2), these social forces of opposition will become strong enough and capitalism itself weak enough that the institutions designed to protect it are no longer able to prevent its overthrow.
4. The thesis of the transition to socialism.
Given the long-term unsustainability of capitalism (thesis 1) and the interests and capacities of the social actors organized against this economic system (thesis 2), following the destruction of the capitalist state on the basis of class struggle (thesis 3), socialism, which is defined as a society in which the system of production is based on collective property and is controlled by democratic and egalitarian institutions, is likely to emerge since the collectively organized working class will be in a strong position to ensure that its interests are well defended in the new post-capitalist institutions.
5. The thesis of the advent of communism.
The dynamics of socialist development gradually lead to the strengthening of community solidarity and a progressive erosion of material inequalities, to the point where the “withering away” of the state and class society gives rise to a communist society organized according to the principle of distribution “from each according to his ability, to each according to his need”.
We believe that we are moving toward a path partially anticipated by Marx since we conjecture that we are moving toward a singular form of market communism, a hybrid system that combines certain aspects of primitive communism (insofar as greater equality among citizens as peoples of the earth will emerge) and the best of capitalism in terms of fair allocation of resources under a market freed from the nefarious powers of the cabal that distorted it.
In addition, we shall point out that it is no doubt wise to return to certain salient features of medieval feudalism. Let us return briefly with Marx to what he analyzed, undoubtedly partly wrongly, about the transition from feudalism to capitalism.
Marx has, in fact, highlighted the transition from feudalism to capitalism, in the chapters of capital devoted to primitive accumulation. A formula summarizes this process quite well:
“The capitalist economic order emerged from the bowels of the feudal economic order. The dissolution of the one has released the constitutive elements of the other”.
We can note that for de, the phenomena of disintegration of the old society, and of formation of the new one, are not simultaneous. He writes “… the disintegration of the feudal mode of production had already reached an advanced stage well before the development of the capitalist mode of production and this disintegration was not associated with the growth of the new mode of production within the old one”.
The argonauts of eternity: Building a healthy transhistorical capitalism
We defend an archaeofuturist project as understood by Guillaume Faye. It is, in the end, a question of reconnecting, fragmentarily, with what remains of the best in ancestral traditions by associating them with new extraterrestrial technologies in order to tear oneself away from sclerosing egalitarianism and the soothing standardization of individuals.
This Machiavellian plan was orchestrated by the cabal in order to establish a new world order, whose globalist ambition was to destroy nation states and to eliminate what Carl Schmitt called the “nomos of the earth , that is, rootedness, which Simone Weil [explained as an absolutely essential human right for the fulfillment of every human being.
The quantum financial system, which is based on the principle of a blockchain, can be an excellent opportunity for the different peoples of the earth to reconcile themselves with their roots, not only in a deleterious and fragmenting ethno-nationalist logic but also in a paradoxically unifying dynamic of “independence in interdependence”, on a global scale.
The emerging quantum technologies and more specifically the revenue share solution set by the love won society can salutarily allow the sovereignty of peoples as well as individuals to take precedence and legitimize their particular destinies.
The modern economy, which is essentially based on the very abstract paradigm of the self-regulating market, as explained by Polyani in The Great Transformation , was built, in part, in opposition to the medieval economy. Precisely because, as Guillaume Travers explains, “the immense distress from which feudalism was born shares similarities with the current crisis of the European continent (insecurity, migration, and impoverishment)”. Turning to the medieval economy is therefore perhaps to look at what awaits us tomorrow.
Travers demonstrates, in effect, that the medieval economy functions by rejecting precisely the 2 presuppositions on which western capitalist modernity is based: individualism and utilitarianism. Medieval society, on the contrary, exalts the sense of community, personal relationships, reciprocity, proximity, the common good, and justice. In the medieval economy, the price does not result, for example, from the abstract adjustment of individual supply and demand on the market but from social regulation: it is the just price imposed by the profession and the city for the common good.
Also: QFS, GCR, Med Bed Intel ~ Step Out of The Matrix and Into The Golden Age ~ Trust The Plan!
This refers us to the analysts of the subjectivity of value as understood by the Austrian economists. In the same way, the medieval economy values the land, the soil, and not monetary wealth, which in any case was lacking during a large part of the middle ages since the interruption of Mediterranean trade due to the Muslim conquests and the disintegration of public infrastructures.
Indeed, Guillaume Travers opportunely reminds us that the feudal order constitutes the response to the chaos propagated by the collapse of the Western Roman Empire, the great migrations of populations, and the interruption of trade and travel that resulted from it. Feudalism was born “as a response to this major crisis: everyone sought security at a more local level, closer to home, so that a progressive remodeling of the relationships of protection and subordination resulted”. The feudal order is, thus, based less on private property than on a tangle of reciprocal and non-monetary obligations of assistance, protection, and services, all against a background of territorial fragmentation and autarky.
Guillaume Travers also shows that the church played an essential role in the condemnation of wealth for its own sake as well as in the rejection of monetary interest lending. Indeed, wealth should not be accumulated but rather spent for the benefit of all. The construction of the cathedrals, which will soon cover Europe, thus, demonstrates that “spiritual interests largely absorbed the excess wealth”. To have credit is precisely to give credit and to spend instead of behaving like a usurer, a miser, or a hoarder.
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The trifunctional conception of society, inherited from Indo-European antiquity that has been unveiled by the work of Georges Dumézil and which distinguishes between oratores, bellatores, and laboratories, also assigns a lesser place to wealth than that occupied by those who put themselves at the service of the community by their prayers or by paying the blood tax. The feudal order also rests on a holistic vision of man and society: man is not defined by what distinguishes him from others – as in individualism – but, on the contrary, by what links him to others. First of all, to Christianity as well as to the many communities to which he belongs: family, village, town, parish, profession, county, province, etc. To summarize lapidary, “there is little doubt that the middle ages were not capitalist,” emphasizes Guillaume Travers, which should obviously be nuanced.
For this, bygone order can “inspire solutions to contemporary problems”, whether they be identity-related or ecological: a greater territorialization of exchanges and a more community-based functioning of the economy should make it possible to give more meaning to daily exchanges and to limit the nuisances associated with free trade and generalized competition.
This paradigm is probably only valid for a limited era of the Hellenic Christian West. Other geographical areas, starting with the African continent, deserve to see capitalism re-examined in the light of Bantu philosophies and their concept of ubuntu. We support Michael Tellinger’s contributionist project for South Africa.
We believe that one of the keys and solutions to get away from the excesses of capitalism, as it has been practiced in recent decades, is to follow the path opened by Werner Sombart. This great German thinker prophetically invited already in his century to “come out of the desert of the modern economic era” and to revive the ethics of the hero rather than that of the merchant. This project seems to us to be both more just and more viable than that laid down by Mandeville in ‘The Fable of the Bees, or: Private Vices, Public Benefits’.
The subtitle is: Private Vices, Public Benefits. The book maintains a constant paradox: it is the selfishness of the wealthy that ultimately creates general affluence, and it is traditional morality that inhibits people and, by preventing them from acting, impoverishes society. It is, in our opinion, this licentious laissez faire and the resulting promotion of anomie that has led us to the disasters of neoliberal capitalism, which has contributed to an increase in inequalities both between nations and within societies (as shown by the evolution of the Gini coefficient) and which endorsed the Washington Consensus of 1994.
What about class logics in the GESARA NESARA era? In the 19th century, in Capital, Marx defined 7 social classes.
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The financial aristocracy: according to Marx, this is the social class that administers the July Monarchy, from 1830 to 1848.
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The industrial bourgeoisie: it controls the means of communication, production, banks, finance, and land. It is the class that receives the income from the exploitation of the means of production since it owns them.
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The merchant bourgeoisie: it occupies professional, administrative, and intellectual positions, and the petty bourgeoisie corresponds to the sector of small craftsmen, civil servants, merchants, and low-level wage earners.
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The petty bourgeoisie: it can have means of production under its ownership, but if it does not have workers in its charge, it does not exploit anyone: the workshops of artisans and merchants are a good example. It is a part of the bourgeoisie that already has fewer resources than the classes above it.
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The peasantry: they deal with everything that has to do with the fields and agricultural production.
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The proletariat: it is made up of the working class belonging to the industrial sector, that is, unskilled labor.
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The sub-proletariat: a Marxist term that designates a social class of society that is not aware of social classes and does not seek to enter into a political struggle due to lack of organization.
The coming millennium will probably let the class struggle wither away since it is conjectured that an enormous middle class of wealthy people will emerge because of the redistribution of wealth allowed by the quantum financial system within the framework of the alliance. However, antagonisms will undoubtedly emerge that will last on new dynamics.
The miraculous power of GESARA NESARA can only last as long as the structural economic problems, which were previously stated in a lapidary manner, are addressed intelligently and which lie fundamentally in the immanence of capitalism, especially when it extends into a galactic economy. This is the reason why we are working on what we will call the theology of the refoundation of capitalism in order to allow the development of a fairer economic system for the majority of the population and in the respect of the singularities of the individuals as well as of the peoples for which GESARA NESARA offers a formidable opportunity to reach this ethical as well as theological objective.
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Read More HERE: https://amg-news.com/gesara-nesara-qfs-global-financial-reset-everything-is-changing-trust-the-plan-video/
Also: QFS, GCR, Med Bed Intel ~ Step Out of The Matrix and Into The Golden Age ~ Trust The Plan! – https://amg-news.com/qfs-gcr-med-bed-intel-step-out-of-the-matrix-and-into-the-golden-age-trust-the-plan/
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